[WikiEN-l] FYI: JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS AND CENSORSHIP OF THE INTERNET

[Mr Paul Vogel]

JEWISH ORGANIZATIONS AND CENSORSHIP OF THE INTERNET


    In CofC (Ch. 8) I wrote, “one may expect that as
ethnic conflict continues to escalate in the United
States, increasingly desperate attempts will be made
to prop up the ideology of multiculturalism . . . with
the erection of police state controls on nonconforming
thought and behavior.” As noted above, there has been
a shift from “the culture of critique” to what one
might term “the culture of the Holocaust” as Jews have
moved from outsiders to the consummate insiders in
American life. Coinciding with their status as an
established elite, Jewish organizations are now in the
forefront of movements to censor thought crimes.40 

    The Internet is a major gap in control of the
major media, but Jewish organizations have taken the
lead in attempting to censor the Internet. The Simon
Wiesenthal Center (SWC) distributes a compact disc
titled “Digital Hate 2001” that lists over 3000 “hate
sites on the Internet.” Both the Simon Wiesenthal
Center and the ADL have attempted to pressure Internet
service providers (ISP’s) like AOL and popular
websites like Yahoo into restricting subscriber access
to disapproved websites. Recently Yahoo removed 39
Internet clubs originally identified as “hate sites”
by the SWC.41  Internet auction sites have been
subjected to protests for selling Nazi memorabilia.42
Amazon.com and Barnesandnoble.com have come under fire
for selling Hitler’s Mein Kampf. The ADL also
published a report, Poisoning the Web: Hatred Online,
and has urged the U.S. Congress to initiate a
“comprehensive study of the magnitude and impact of
hate on the Internet.”43 

    Online services in the U.S. are also under
pressure from foreign governments, including France,
Germany, Austria, and Canada, where there are no
constitutional guarantees of free speech. For example,
a judge in France ruled that Yahoo was violating
French law by delivering Nazi memorabilia to people in
France via the company’s online auctions, even though
the service is based in the United States. Yahoo was
acting illegally, the judge said, even though the
company has created a separate French site that,
unlike the broader Yahoo service, follows French law.
The company was ordered to use filtering technology to
block politically sensitive material from appearing on
computers in France or face fines equivalent to
$13,000 a day. In Germany, a court found that German
law applies even to foreigners who post content on the
Web in other countries—so long as that content can be
accessed by people inside Germany. In this case, the
court ruled that an Australian citizen who posted
Holocaust revisionist material on his Australian
website could be jailed in Germany. Theoretically it
would be possible for Germany to demand that this
person be extradited from Australia so that he could
stand trial for his crime.44 

    Jewish organizations have been strong advocates of
laws in European countries that criminalize the
distribution of anti-Jewish material. For example, the
ADL pressured the German government to arrest a U.S.
citizen who distributed anti-Jewish materials. Gary
Lauck was arrested in Denmark and extradited to
Germany on the warrant of a Hamburg prosecutor. He was
sentenced to four years in jail, served his sentence,
and was deported.45 

    This sort of government-imposed censorship is
effective in countries like France and Germany, but is
not likely to succeed in the United States with its
strong tradition of constitutionally protected free
speech. As a result, the major focus of the Jewish
effort to censor the Internet in the United States has
been to pressure private companies like AOL and Yahoo
to use software that blocks access to sites that are
disapproved by Jewish organizations. The ADL developed
voluntary filter software (ADL HateFilter) that allows
users to screen out certain websites. However, while
AOL—the largest ISP by far—has proved to be compliant
in setting standards in line with ADL guidelines, the
ADL notes that other ISP’s, such as Earthlink, have
not cooperated with the ADL, and independent web
hosting sites have sprung up to serve websites
rejected by AOL.46 

    The ADL and the SWC have an uphill road because
the Internet has long been touted as a haven for free
speech by the high-tech community. One senses a
certain frustration in the conclusion of a recent ADL
report on the Internet: 

Combating online extremism presents enormous
technological and legal difficulties . . . . Even if
it were electronically feasible to keep sites off the
Internet, the international nature of the medium makes
legal regulation virtually impossible. And in the
United States, the First Amendment guarantees the
right of freedom of speech regardless of what form
that speech takes. As a result, governments,
corporations and people of goodwill continue to look
for alternative ways to address the problem.47
    Clearly Jewish organizations are making every
effort to censor anti-Jewish writing on the Internet.
They are far from reaching their goal of removing
anti-Jewish material from the Internet, but in the
long run the very high political stakes involved
ensure that great effort will be expended. I suspect
that in the U.S., if pressuring existing ISP’s by
organizations like the ADL and the SWC fails, these
companies may become targets of buyouts by
Jewish-owned media companies who will then quietly
remove access to anti-Jewish websites. AOL has just
recently merged with Time Warner, a Jewish-controlled
media company, and it had already merged with
Compuserve, a large, nationwide ISP. As indicated
above, AOL-Time Warner has complied with pressures
exerted by Jewish activist organizations to restrict
expressions of political opinion on the Internet. 
    I suppose that the only option for prohibited
websites will be to develop their own Internet service
providers. These providers—perhaps subsidized or
relatively expensive—would then fill the niche of
serving people who are already committed to ethnic
activism among non-Jewish Europeans and other forms of
politically incorrect expression. The situation would
be similar to the current situation in the broadcast
and print media. All of the mainstream media are
effectively censored, but small publications that
essentially preach to the converted can exist if not
flourish. 

    But such publications reach a miniscule percentage
of the population. They are basically ignored by the
mainstream media, and they mainly preach to the choir.
The same will likely happen to the Internet: The sites
will still be there, but they will be out of sight and
out of mind for the vast majority of Internet users.
The effective censorship of the Internet by large
corporations does not violate the First Amendment
because the government is not involved and any policy
can be justified as a business decision not to offend
existing or potential customers. 

THE QUESTION OF BIAS
    I have several times been called an “anti-Semite”
for the tone of some of my writings, both in CofC and
my comments on various Internet discussion lists. To
be perfectly frank, I did not have a general animus
for organized Jewry when I got into this project. I
was a sort of ex-radical turned moderate Republican
fan of George Will. Before even looking at Judaism I
applied the same evolutionary perspective to the
ancient Spartans and then to the imposition of
monogamy by the Catholic Church during the middle ages
(see MacDonald 1988a, 1995b). There are quite a few
statements in my books that attempt to soften the tone
and deflect charges of anti-Jewish bias. The first
page of my first book on Judaism, A People that Shall
Dwell Alone  (MacDonald 1994), clearly states that the
traits I ascribe to Judaism (self-interest,
ethnocentrism, and competition for resources and
reproductive success) are by no means restricted to
Jews. I also write about the extraordinary Jewish IQ
and about Jewish accomplishments (e.g., Nobel prizes)
in that book. In the second book, Separation and Its
Discontents (MacDonald 1998a), I discuss the tendency
for anti-Semites to exaggerate their complaints, to
develop fantastic and unverifiable theories of Jewish
behavior, to exaggerate the extent of Jewish cohesion
and unanimity, to claim that all Jews share
stereotypically Jewish traits or attitudes, especially
in cases where in fact Jews are over-represented among
people having certain attitudes (e.g., political
radicalism during most of the 20th century). And I
describe the tendency of some anti-Semites to develop
grand conspiracy theories in which all historical
events of major or imagined importance, from the
French Revolution to the Tri-lateral Commission are
linked together in one grand plot and blamed on the
Jews. All of this is hardly surprising on the basis of
what we know about the psychology of ethnic conflict.
But that doesn’t detract in the least from supposing
that real conflicts of interest are at the heart of
all of the important historical examples of
anti-Semitism. Most of this is in the first chapter of
Separation and Its Discontents—front and center as it
were, just as my other disclaimers are in the first
chapter of A People that Shall Dwell Alone. 

    It must be kept in mind that group evolutionary
strategies are not benign, at least in general and
especially in the case of Judaism, which has often
been very powerful and has had such extraordinary
effects on the history of the West. I think there is a
noticeable shift in my tone from the first book to the
third simply because (I’d like to think) I knew a lot
more and had read a lot more. People often say after
reading the first book that they think I really admire
Jews, but they are unlikely to say that about the last
two and especially about CofC. That is because by the
time I wrote CofC I had changed greatly from the
person who wrote the first book. The first book is
really only a documentation of theoretically
interesting aspects of group evolutionary strategies
using Judaism as a case study (how Jews solved the
free-rider problem, how they managed to erect and
enforce barriers between themselves and other peoples,
the genetic cohesion of Judaism, how some groups of
Jews came to have such high IQ’s, how Judaism
developed in antiquity). Resource competition and
other conflicts of interest with other groups are more
or less an afterthought, but these issues move to the
foreground in Separation and Its Discontents, and in
CofC I look exclusively at the 20th century in the
West. Jews have indeed made positive contributions to
Western culture in the last 200 years. But whatever
one might think are the unique and irreplaceable
Jewish contributions to the post-Enlightenment world,
it is naïve to suppose they were intended for the
purpose of benefiting humanity solely or even
primarily. In any case I am hard pressed to think of
any area of modern Western government and social
organization (certainly) and business, science, and
technology (very probably) that would not have
developed without Jewish input, although in some cases
perhaps not quite as quickly. In general, positive
impacts of Jews have been quantitative rather than
qualitative. They have accelerated some developments,
for example in finance and some areas of science,
rather than made them possible. 

    On the other hand, I am persuaded that Jews have
also had some important negative influences. I am
morally certain that Jewish involvement in the radical
left in the early to middle part of the last century
was a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for
many of the horrific events in the Soviet Union and
elsewhere. (About this, of course, one can disagree. I
am simply saying that I find the evidence compelling.)
But the main point is that I came to see Jewish groups
as competitors with the European majority of the U.S.,
as powerful facilitators of the enormous changes that
have been unleashed in this country, particularly via
the successful advocacy of massive non-European
immigration into the U.S. I found that I was being
transformed in this process from a semi-conservative
academic who had little or no identification with  his
own people into an ethnically conscious person—exactly
as predicted by the theory of social identity
processes that forms the basis of my theory of
anti-Semitism (see MacDonald 1998a). In fact, if one
wants to date when I dared cross the line into what
some see as proof that I am an “anti-Semite,” the best
guess would probably be when I started reading on the
involvement of all the powerful Jewish organizations
in advocating massive non-European immigration. My
awareness began with my reading a short section in a
standard history of American Jews well after the first
book was published. The other influences that I
attributed to Jewish activities were either benign
(psychoanalysis?) or reversible—even radical leftism,
so they didn’t much bother me. I could perhaps even
ignore the towering hypocrisy of  Jewish ethnocentrism
coinciding as it does with Jewish activism against the
ethnocentrism of non-Jewish Europeans. But the
long-term effects of immigration will be essentially
irreversible barring some enormous cataclysm. 

    I started to realize that my interests are quite
different from prototypical Jewish interests. There
need to be legitimate ways of talking about people who
oppose policies recommended by the various Jewish
establishments without simply being tarred as
“anti-Semites”. Immigration is only one example where
there are legitimate conflicts of interest. As I write
this (November, 2001), we are bogged down in a war
with no realizable endgame largely because of
influence of the Jewish community over one area of our
foreign policy and because of how effectively any
mention of the role of Israel in creating friction
between the U.S. and the Arab world—indeed the entire
Muslim world—is muzzled simply by the cry of
anti-Semitism. And at home we have entered into an
incalculably dangerous experiment in creating a
multi-ethnic, multi-cultural society in which the
intellectual elite has developed the idea that the
formerly dominant European majority has a moral
obligation to allow itself to be eclipsed
demographically and culturally—the result, at least at
its inception and to a considerable degree thereafter,
of the influence of Jewish interest groups on
immigration policy and the influence of Jewish
intellectual movements on our intellectual and
cultural life generally. As noted above, the rise of
Jewish power and the disestablishment of the
specifically European nature of the U.S. are the real
topics of CofC. 

    I agree that there is bias in the social sciences
and I certainly don’t exempt myself from this
tendency. It is perhaps true that by the time I
finished CofC I should have stated my attitudes in the
first chapter. Instead, they are placed in the last
chapter of CofC—rather forthrightly I think. In a
sense putting them at the end was appropriate because
my attitudes about Jewish issues marked a cumulative,
gradual change from a very different world view. 

    It is annoying that such disclaimers rarely appear
in writing by strongly identified Jews even when they
see their work as advancing Jewish interests. A major
theme of the CofC is that Jewish social scientists
with a strong Jewish identity have seen their work as
advancing Jewish interests. It is always amazing to me
that media figures like the Kristols and Podhoretzes
and foreign policy experts like Paul Wolfowitz and
Richard Perle do not feel an obligation to precede
their remarks on issues affected by their solicitude
for Israel by saying, “you should be wary of what I
say because I have a vested ethnic interest in
advancing the interests of Israel.” But the same thing
goes for vast areas of anthropology (the Boasian
school and racial differences research), history
(e.g., obviously apologetic accounts of the history
and causes of anti-Semitism or the role of Jews in the
establishment of Bolshevism), psychology (the
Frankfurt School, psychoanalysis), and contemporary
issues (immigration, church-state relations). The
point of CofC that really galls people is the idea
that we should simply acknowledge this bias in (some)
Jewish researchers as we do in others. There are a
great many books on how Darwin and Galton were
influenced by the general atmosphere of Victorian
England, but writing of a Jewish bias immediately
results in charges of “anti-Semitism.” 

    But the deeper point is that, whatever my
motivations and biases, I would like to suppose that
my work on Judaism at least meets the criteria of good
social science, even if I have come to the point of
seeing my subjects in a less than flattering light. In
the end, does it really matter if my motivation at
this point is less than pristine? Isn’t the only
question whether I am right? 

CONCLUSION
     CofC is really an attempt to understand the 20th
century as a Jewish century—a century in which Jews
and Jewish organizations were deeply involved in all
the pivotal events. From the Jewish viewpoint it has
been a period of great progress, though punctuated by
one of its darkest tragedies. In the late 19th century
the great bulk of the Jewish population lived in
Eastern Europe, with many Jews mired in poverty and
all surrounded by hostile populations and
unsympathetic governments. A century later, Israel is
firmly established in the Middle East, and Jews have
become the wealthiest and most powerful group in the
United States and have achieved elite status in other
Western countries. The critical Jewish role in radical
leftism has been sanitized, while Jewish victimization
by the Nazis has achieved the status of a moral
touchstone and is a prime weapon in the push for
large-scale non-European immigration,
multi-culturalism and advancing other Jewish causes.
Opponents have been relegated to the fringe of
intellectual and political discourse and there are
powerful movements afoot that would silence them
entirely. 

    The profound idealization, the missionary zeal,
and the moral fervor that surround the veneration of
figures like Celan, Kafka, Adorno, and Freud
characterize all of the Jewish intellectual movements
discussed in CofC (see Ch. 6 for a summary). That
these figures are now avidly embraced by the vast
majority of non-Jewish intellectuals as well shows
that the Western intellectual world has become
Judaized—that Jewish attitudes and interests, Jewish
likes and dislikes, now constitute the culture of the
West, internalized by Jews and non-Jews alike. The
Judaization of the West is nowhere more obvious than
in the veneration of the Holocaust as the central
moral icon of the entire civilization. These
developments constitute a profound transformation from
the tradition of critical and scientific individualism
that had formed the Western tradition since the
Enlightenment. More importantly, because of the
deep-seated Jewish hostility toward traditional
Western culture, the Judaization of the West means
that the peoples who created the culture and
traditions of the West have been made to feel deeply
ashamed of their own history—surely the prelude to
their demise as a culture and as a people. 

    The present Judaized cultural imperium in the West
is maintained by a pervasive thought control
propagated by the mass media and extending to
self-censorship by academics, politicians, and others
well aware of the dire personal and professional
consequences of crossing the boundaries of acceptable
thought and speech about Jews and Jewish issues. It is
maintained by zealously promulgated, self-serving, and
essentially false theories of the nature and history
of Judaism and the nature and causes of anti-Semitism.


    None of this should be surprising. Jewish
populations have always had enormous effects on the
societies where they reside because of two qualities
that are central to Judaism as a group evolutionary
strategy: High intelligence (including the usefulness
of intelligence in attaining wealth) and the ability
to cooperate in highly organized, cohesive groups
(MacDonald 1994). This has led repeatedly to Jews
becoming an elite and powerful group in societies
where they reside in sufficient numbers—as much in the
20th-century United States and the Soviet Union as in
15th-century Spain or Alexandria in the ancient world.
History often repeats itself after all. Indeed, recent
data indicate that Jewish per capita income in the
United States is almost double that of non-Jews, a
bigger difference than the black-white income gap.
Although Jews make up less than 3 percent of the
population, they constitute more than a quarter of the
people on the Forbes magazine list of the richest four
hundred Americans. A remarkable 87 percent of
college-age Jews are currently enrolled in
institutions of higher education, as compared with 40
percent for the population as a whole (Thernstrom &
Thernstrom 1997). Jews are indeed an elite group in
American society (see also Chapter 8). 

    My perception is that the Jewish community in the
U.S. is moving aggressively ahead, ignoring the huge
disruptions Jewish organizations have caused in the
West (now mainly via successful advocacy of massive
non-European immigration) and in the Islamic world
(via the treatment of Palestinians by Israel).
Whatever the justification for such beliefs, U.S.
support for Israel is by all accounts an emotionally
compelling issue in the Arab world. A true test of
Jewish power in the United States will be whether
support for Israel is maintained even in the face of
the enormous costs that have already been paid by the
U.S. in terms of loss of life, economic disruption,
hatred and distrust throughout the Muslim world, and
loss of civil liberties at home. As of this writing,
while Jewish organizations are bracing for a backlash
against Jews in the U.S. and while there is
considerable concern among Jews about the Bush
Administration’s pressure on Israel to make
concessions to the Palestinians in order to placate
the Muslim world (e.g., Rosenblatt 2001), all signs
point to no basic changes in the political culture of
the United States vis-à-vis Israel as a result of the
events of 9-11-01. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I acknowledge the critical comments of James C.
Russell in the preparation of this preface. 

NOTES

 1. McConnell’s comments were made on an email
discussion list, September 30, 2001. 

 2. This listing is based on several sources: Editors
of Fortune (1936);  To Bigotry No Sanction. A
Documented Analysis of Anti-Semitic Propaganda.
Prepared by the Philadelphia Anti-Defamation Council
and the American Jewish Committee. Philadelphia:
Philadelphia Anti-Defamation Council (1941); Gabler
1988; Kantor 1982; 

http://www.psu.edu/dept/inart10_110/inart10/radio.html.


3. Ben Hecht, who was a prominent Hollywood
screenwriter and staunch Zionist, included
pro-interventionist ideas in movies at this time
(Authors Calendar,
http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/bhecht.htm). For example,
in Angels over Broadway (1940), Hecht has the Douglas
Fairbanks Jr. character ask, “What happened to the
Poles, the Finns, the Dutch? They’re little guys. They
didn’t win. . . .” Rita Hayworth replies, “They will,
some day.” Hecht also made some uncredited additions
to Alfred Hitchcock’s Foreign Correspondent (1940).
When Hitchcock was asked about the anti-Nazi and
pro-Britain message of the film, he said that it was
all the doing of Walter Wanger and Ben Hecht. (Wanger
was also Jewish; his birth name was Walter
Feuchtwanger.) In the film a character says, “Keep
those lights burning, cover them with steel, build
them in with guns, build a canopy of battleships and
bombing planes around them and, hello, America, hang
on to your lights, they’re the only lights in the
world.” 

 4. The only exception in recent years—albeit
relatively minor—was Pat Buchanan’s 1990 column in
which he referred to Israel’s “Amen Corner” in the
United States advocating war with Iraq. (Indeed, the
American-Israel Public Affairs Committee had been
lobbying Congress behind the scenes to declare war on
Iraq [Sobran 1999]). Writing in the Wall Street
Journal, Norman Podhoretz, former editor of
Commentary, promptly labeled Buchanan an “anti-Semite”
without feeling the need to address the question of
whether or not American Jews were indeed pressing for
war with Iraq in order to benefit Israel. As in the
case of Lindbergh’s remarks a half century earlier,
truth was irrelevant. While this incident has not
altered the taboo on discussing Jewish interests in
the same way that it is common to discuss the
interests of other ethnic groups, it has resulted in a
long-term problem for Buchanan’s political career.
When Buchanan ran for president in 2000, a hostile
columnist writing in a prominent Jewish publication
stated, “Out of the slime of the sewers and into the
filth of the gutter a desperate Patrick J. Buchanan,
the neo-Nazi, has crawled into the political arena
using anti-Semitism as his principal device to secure
a future for himself” (Adelson 1999). The columnist
went on to claim that Buchanan “always was a neo-Nazi”
and that he “reveals the shallow quality of his
tortured, sick, defective mind.” Not to be outdone,
Alan Dershowitz (1999) wrote, “Let there be no mistake
about it. Pat Buchanan is a classic anti-Semite with
fascist leanings who hates Israel and loves Nazi war
criminals.” The example illustrates that Jews continue
to exert immense pressure, including smear tactics, to
keep Jewish interests off limits in American political
discussion. As with Lindbergh in an earlier
generation, Buchanan’s experience is a grim reminder
to politicians who dare raise the issue of Jewish
interests in public debate. Buchanan became completely
marginalized within the Republican Party and
eventually left it for a spectacularly unsuccessful
run as the Reform Party presidential candidate in
2000. 
 5. In a conversation with his wife on November 24,
1941, Charles Lindbergh was pessimistic about
establishing a Jewish state: 

C. and I get into an argument á propos of an article
in the paper, a speech of a rabbi at a Jewish
conference in which he said that the first thing that
would have to be done at the peace table after the war
was that a large indemnity would have to be paid to
the Jews for their sufferings. Also speaks about
having a piece of land of their own—which I am
sympathetic with. . . . [C.] says it isn’t as simple
as all that. Whose land are you going to take? . . .
He is very pessimistic of its being solved without
great suffering. (A. M. Lindbergh 1980, 239)
6. The following is based on Bendersky’s (2000, 2–46)
study of U.S. military officers but is representative
of commonly held attitudes in the early 20th century. 
 7. “Reform Judaism Nears a Guide to Conversion.” New
York Times, June 27, 2001. 

 8. Jewish pressure for altering traditional Roman
Catholic attitudes on Jewish responsibility for
deicide are recounted in Lacouture (1995, 440–458) and
Roddy (1966). Pope John XXIII deleted the “perfidious
Jews” reference from the Holy Week liturgy (Lacouture
1995, 448). He then solicited the opinions of the
world’s 2,594 bishops on the Church’s relations with
the Jews. Virtually all of the respondents wished to
maintain the status quo. The Pope was “bitterly
disappointed by the response of the episcopate” (p.
449). 

 9. Burton, M. L., Moore, C. C., Whiting, J. W. M., &
Romney, A. K. (1996). Regions based on social
structure. Current Anthropology, 37: 87–123. 

 10. Laslett (1983) further elaborates this basic
difference to include four variants ranging from West,
West/central or middle, Mediterranean, to East. 

11 . Burton, M. L., Moore, C. C., Whiting, J. W. M., &
Romney, A. K. (1996). Regions based on social
structure. Current Anthropology, 37: 87–123. 

12 .  Barfield, T. J. (1993). The Nomadic Alternative.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. 

13. Support for this classification comes from several
places in my trilogy on Judaism and in turn depends on
the work of many scholars. Besides the sources in this
preface, special note should be made of the following:
Evolutionary history: MacDonald 1994, Ch. 8; Marriage
practices: MacDonald 1994 (Chs. 3 and 8); Marriage
psychology: CofC (Chs. 4, 8); Position of women CofC
(Ch. 4); Attitude toward outgroups and strangers:
MacDonald 1994 (Ch. 8), MacDonald 1998a (Ch. 1);
Social structure: MacDonald 1994 (Ch. 8), MacDonald
1998a (Chs. 1, 3–5), CofC (Chs. 6, 8, and passim as
feature of Jewish intellectual movements);
Socialization: MacDonald 1994 (Ch. 7), CofC (Ch. 5);
Intellectual stance: MacDonald 1994 (Ch. 7), CofC (Ch.
6 and passim); Moral stance: MacDonald 1994 (Ch. 6),
CofC (Ch. 8). 

 14. Grossman et al. and Sagi et al., in I. Bretherton
& E. Waters (Eds.), Growing Points in Attachment
Theory and Research. Monographs for the Society for
Research in Child Development, 50(1–2), 233–275. Sagi
et al. suggest temperamental differences in stranger
anxiety may be important because of the unusual
intensity of the reactions of many of the Israeli
infants. The tests were often terminated because of
the intense crying of the infants. Sagi et al. find
this pattern among both Kibbutz-reared and city-reared
infants, although less strongly in the latter.
However, the city-reared infants were subjected to
somewhat different testing conditions: They were not
subjected to a pre-test socialization episode with a
stranger. Sagi et al. suggest that the socialization
pre-test may have intensified reactions to strangers
among the Kibbutz-reared babies, but they note that
such pre-tests do not have this effect in samples of
infants from Sweden and the U.S. This again highlights
the difference between Israeli and European samples. 

15 . A halachic difference refers to a distinction
based on Jewish religious law. 

16. The following comment illustrates well the
different mindset that many strongly identified Jews
have toward America versus Israel: 

While walking through the streets of Jerusalem, I feel
Jewish identity is first and foremost about
self-determination and, by extension, the security and
power that comes with having a state. I am quite
comfortable in Israel with the sight of soldiers
standing with machine guns and the knowledge that even
a fair number of the civilians around me are probably
packing heat. The seminal event in my Zionist
consciousness, despite my being born after 1967 and
having serious misgivings about Israel’s control over
the territories, is still the dramatic victory of a
Jewish army in the Six-Day War. Put me in New York,
however, and sud-denly the National Rifle Association
symbolizes this country’s darkest side. It’s as if my
subconscious knows instinctively that the moment we
land at JFK Airport, it becomes time to stash away
those images of Israeli soldiers taking control of
Jerusalem’s Old City, of Moshe Dayan standing at the
Western Wall, and to replace them with the familiar
photograph of Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel marching by
the side of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. (A. Eden,
“Liberalism in Diaspora.” The Forward, Sept. 21, 2001)
 17. www.adl.org/presrele/dirab%5F41/3396%5F41.asp 
 18. Jerusalem Post, March 5, 2001. 

19. See, e.g., the ADL Policy Report on the prospects
of immigration legislation in the George W. Bush
administration and the 107th Congress: 
 www.adl.org/issue%5Fgovernment/107/immigration.html. 

 20. In, Boyle (2001), p. 160. As recounted by Boyle, 
Sheean was hired by the Zionist publication, New
Palestine, in 1929 to write about the progress of
Zionism in that country. He went to Palestine, and
after studying the situation, returned the money the
Zionists had paid him. He then wrote a book (Personal
History; New York: Literary Guild Country Life Press,
1935)—long out of print—describing his negative
impressions of the Zionists. He noted, for example,
“how they never can or will admit that anybody who
disagrees with them is honest” (p. 160). This comment
reflects the authoritarian exclusion of dissenters
noted as a characteristic of Jewish intellectual and
political movements in CofC (Ch. 6). His book was a
commercial failure and he passed quietly into
oblivion. The subject of Boyle’s book, George
Antonius, was a Greek Orthodox Arab from what is today
Lebanon. His book, The Arab Awakening (London: Hamish
Hamilton, 1938) presented the Arab case in the
Palestinian-Zionist dispute. The appendices to his
book include the Hussein-McMahon correspondence of
October 24, 1915, between Sharif Hussein (who
authorized the Arab revolt against the Turks) and
Henry McMahon, British High Commissioner in Egypt. The
correspondence shows that the Arabs were promised
independence in the whole area (including Palestine)
after the war. Also in the appendices are the Hogarth
Memorandum of January 1918 and the Declaration to the
Seven of June 16, 1918, both of which were meant to
reassure the Arabs that England would honor its
earlier promises to them when the Arabs expressed
concern after the Balfour Declaration. Britain kept
these documents classified until Antonius published
them in The Arab Awakening. Antonius was pushed out of
the Palestine Mandate Administration by British
Zionists and died broken and impoverished. 

 21. Daily Pilot, Newport Beach/ Costa Mesa,
California, Feb. 28, 2000, 

22 . “Project Reminds Young Jews of Heritage.”
Washington Post, Jan. 17, 2000, p. A19. 

 23. Steinlight tempers these remarks by noting the
Jewish commitment to moral universalism, including the
attraction to Marxism so characteristic of Jews during
most of the 20th century. However, as indicated in
Chapter 3, Jewish commitment to leftist universalism
was always conditioned on whether leftist universalism
conformed to perceived Jewish interests, and in fact
Jewish leftist universalism has often functioned as
little more than a weapon against the traditional
bonds of cohesiveness of Western societies. 

24. In the early 1950s Stalin appears to have planned
to deport Jews to a Jewish area in Western Siberia,
but he died before this project was begun. During
their occupation of Poland in 1940, the Soviets
deported Jews who were refugees from Nazi-occupied
Western Poland. However, this action was not
anti-Jewish as such because it did not involve either
Jews from the Soviet Union or from Eastern Poland.
This deportation is more likely to have resulted from
Stalin’s fear of anyone or any group exposed to
Western influence. 

25. Taylor, S. J. (1990). Stalin’s Apologist, Walter
Duranty: The New York Times’s Man in Moscow. New York:
Oxford University Press; R. Radosh (2000). From Walter
Duranty to Victor Navasky: The New York Times’ Love
Affair with Communism. FrontPageMagazine.com, October
26; W. L. Anderson (2001), The New York Times Missed
the Wrong Missed Story 
http://www.lewrockwell.com/anderson/anderson45.html,
November 17, 2001. Radosh’s article shows that the
Times’ sympathy with communism continues into the
present. The Times has never renounced the Pulitzer
Prize given to Walter Duranty for his coverage of
Stalin’s Five-Year Plan. 

26 . Hamilton, D. (2000). “Keeper of the Flame: A
Blacklist Survivor.” Los Angeles Times, October 3. 

 27. See www.otal.umd.edu/~rccs/blacklist/. 

 28. Discussions of Jewish ownership of the media
include: Ginsberg 1993, 1; Kotkin 1993, 61; Silberman
1985, 147. 

 29. www.economictimes.com/today/31tech22.htm 

 30. The Forward, April 27, 2001, pp. 1, 9. 

 31. The Forward, November 14, 1997, p. 14. 

 32. A partial exception is the Washington Post Co.
Until her recent death, the Washington Post was run by
Katherine Meyer Graham, daughter of Eugene Meyer, who
purchased the paper in the 1930s. Ms. Graham had a
Jewish father and a Christian mother and was raised as
an Episcopalian. Katherine’s husband, the former
publisher of the Post, Phil Graham, was not Jewish.
The Post’s publisher, since 1991, is Donald Graham,
the son of Katherine and Phil Graham. This influential
publishing group is thus less ethnically Jewish than
the others mentioned here. The Washington Post Co. has
a number of other media holdings in newspapers (The
Gazette Newspapers, including 11 military
publications), television stations, and magazines,
most notably the nation’s number-two weekly
newsmagazine, Newsweek. The Washington Post Co.’s
various television ventures reach a total of about 7
million homes, and its cable TV service, Cable One,
has 635,000 subscribers. In a joint venture with the
New York Times, the Post publishes the International
Herald Tribune, the most widely distributed English
language daily in the world. 
 33. www.eonline.com/Features/Specials/Jews/ 

 34. Cones (1997) provides a similar analysis: 

This analysis of Hollywood films with religious themes
or characters reveals that in the last four decades
Hollywood has portrayed Christians as sexually rigid,
devil worshipping cultists, talking to God, disturbed,
hypocritical, fanatical, psychotic, dishonest, murder
suspects, Bible quoting Nazis, slick hucksters, fake
spiritualists, Bible pushers, de-ranged preachers,
obsessed, Catholic schoolboys running amok, Adam & Eve
as pawns in a game between God and Satan, an
unbalanced nun accused of killing her newborn infant,
dumb, manipulative, phony, outlaws, neurotic, mentally
unbalanced, unscrupulous, destructive, foul mouthed,
fraudulent and as miracle fabricators. Few, if any,
positive portrayals of Christians were found in
Hollywood films released in the last four decades.
 35. Reprinted in the New York Times May 27, 1996. 
 36. James Ron, “Is Ariel Sharon Israel’s Milosevic?”
Los Angeles Times, February 5, 2001. 

 37. From the Kahan Commission Report
(www.mfa.gov.il/mfa/go.asp?MFAH0ign0): 

We shall remark here that it is ostensibly puzzling
that the Defense Minister did not in any way make the
Prime Minister privy to the decision on having the
Phalangists enter the camps. 
It is our view that responsibility is to be imputed to
the Minister of Defense for having disregarded the
danger of acts of vengeance and bloodshed by the
Phalangists against the population of the refugee
camps, and having failed to take this danger into
account when he decided to have the Phalangists enter
the camps. In addition, responsibility is to be
imputed to the Minister of Defense for not ordering
appropriate measures for preventing or reducing the
danger of massacre as a condition for the Phalangists’
entry into the camps. These blunders constitute the
non-fulfillment of a duty with which the Defense
Minister was charged.

38. Yossi Klein Halevi, “Sharon has learned from his
mistakes.” Los Angeles Times, February 7, 2001. 
 39. Washington Post, July 3, 2001; Los Angeles Times,
October 18, 2001. 

 40. Jewish organizations have also been strong
advocates of “hate crime” legislation. For example, in
1997 the ADL published Hate Crimes: ADL Blueprint for
Action, which provides recommendations on prevention
and response strategies to crimes of ethnic violence,
such as penalty enhancement laws, training for law
enforcement and the military, security for community
institutions, and community anti-bias awareness
initiatives. In June 2001 the ADL announced a program
designed to assist law enforcement in the battle
against “extremists and hate groups.” A major
component of the Law Enforcement Initiative is the
development of specialized hate crime, extremism, and
anti-bias curricula for training programs designed for
law enforcement. 

 41. SWC Press Information, July 15, 1999;
www.wiesenthal.com. 

 42. E.g., SWC Press Information, November 29, 1999;
January 26, 2001; www.wiesenthal.com. 

 43. ADL Press Release, September, 14, 1999;
www.adl.org. 

 44. AFP Worldwide News Agency, April 4, 2001;
www.afp.com. 

45 . ADL Press Release, August 22, 1996; www.adl.org. 

 46. C. Wolf. Racists, Bigots and the Law on the
Internet. www.adl.org. 

 47. C. Wolf. Racists, Bigots and the Law on the
Internet. www.adl.org.

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